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Trump forgets that his base is populist and conservative



W hen candidate Donald J. Trump steamrolled American politics in 2016, he seemed to understand the coalition that was available to him was an eclectic bunch that felt his problems been ignored.

They were both populists and conservatives, and they put him in the office.

Last week, it seems he has forgotten that his followers are both populists and conservatives – with "conservatives" and "is a very important part of the equation.

In an election where the Republicans lost 40 seats, Trump has been caring, strategy-free, against a decommissioning that only negotiated with himself, inflating the employees who gave cautious Republican confidence, and in the field of foreign policy he leaves the conservative part of his coalition for Israel's sadness and the joy of dictators in Moscow and Ankara.

Trump won by bringing cautious nationalists and populists into a conservative party, but the tail cannot guard the dog. Trump's coalition is large enough to control as long as possible He agrees to preserve the four legs of the conservative stool: babies, weapons, tax cuts and a muscular foreign policy.

Of course, the Republicans cannot win without populists. Trump understood it before anyone in the party hierarchy. But Trump can't win without conservative Republicans ̵

1; and last month doubts whether Trump understands it.

Coalition policy always requires sailing by all coalition partners. Many Republicans who flocked to former President George W. Bush's call to "restore honor and dignity to the White House" in the wake of the Bill Clinton-Monica Lewinsky scandal have swallowed hard and accepted Trump for the promise of conservative Supreme Court justice and defeat for Democrats.

Now they wonder when Trump will trim his own sails for them.

Bargain has always been that he would cut treasure and surround himself with traditional Republican foreign policy experts. Securities repurchase. Jim Mattis from the administration is not just a vacancy in the cabinet. Along with UN's ambassador Nikki Haley & # 39; s exit, this Republican, even those who hold on to the president, is concerned that there is a vacancy in coalition trade.

Trump has lost the Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., Who brought his tongue for years, even as President of Paul Ryan, R-Wis., Wasted Spleen with frustrations over the President's lack of discipline.

Trump has also been publicly accused by Republican Arkansas Sen. Tom Cotton, perhaps the most populist and trumpet member of the Senate, but a foreign policy hawk anyway. An alienated cotton and an angry McConnell, on top of the normal array of less steely handwringers, are not the building blocks of a strong coalition.

In 2008, candidate Barack Obama won and won a coalition consisting of New Deal Democrats and the growing coalition of young people, minorities, single women, and others. In 2012, he decided to throw the New Deal coalition and focus primarily on the coalition of that ascendant. He won but with less votes than he did in 2008, and it should be noted that his party, the Democrats, was deeply up and down in the vote under his new coalition.

The conservative populist coalition that Trump dropped into 2016 was long before he came together. Their influence was felt by the elections they voted in, like the 2010 and 2014 election sessions, and also by those they did not vote for, as the 2008 and 2012 presidential elections, when Republican candidates John McCain and Mitt Romney did not inspire the populist part and they home.

Trump created this conservative / populist coalition. His presidency is the result of that. The past few weeks show that he either forgot it or he thinks it doesn't matter anymore.


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