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Mike's successor will run into the same Brexit problems – but hope not to be as incompetent as her

When David Cameron announced a referendum on EU membership in 2013, he said: "It is time to clarify this European issue in British politics." Almost three years after Britain voted to leave, the issue is not even close to being settled.

Brexit has now broken career from two prime ministers. Cameron, who promised to launch the cook of the toxic Europe debate, retired in the morning after the 2016 referendum – a year after winning Tories' first overall majority since 1992.

Now Theresa May has reluctantly admitted error. She struck a withdrawal agreement with the EU, but united her domestic opponents against her: For Eurosceptics, it was not pure Brexit; for pro-Europeans it was much worse than the status quo. For such an inflexible leader, the punch was probably thrown as she unnecessarily threw Tories' majority by calling the 201

7 election.

The Europe debate has now demanded the last four premiere in Tory. Margaret Thatcher resigned after incompatible cabinet divisions across the EU. John Majors life was made by the Eurosceptics, and Tories' reputation for financial competence was destroyed on Black Wednesday.

That she is only the last victim may not give comfort today. She did not only deliver Brexit, which she repeatedly promised to do. What will hurt just as much is that Brexit did not leave room for her domestic goal to tackle "fierce injustices", she impressively identified herself to become prime minister. It is not unfinished business, but hardly begun. She may try to speed up a few symbolic heritage policies for the next two months, but they will be a fig leaf. To rewrite Enoch Powell, Mays ends his career with a double error.

Major allies already say that no one could have done things differently because of his poisonous legacy from Cameron. This is an early attempt to rewrite the story. She could have tried to unite the country in 2016, but instead the divisions prolonged the referendum by ignoring the 48 per cent. She always puts Tories & # 39; unit in front of the country. She rebuffed an attempt by Sir Oliver Letwin, who was responsible for post-referendum planning when she succeeded Cameron, seeking a compromise across parties. She made the same mistake when Yvette Cooper urged her to cross the hall when she lost her majority. When she finally started negotiations with Labor seven weeks ago, it was too late. Attempts to revive issues discussed during the negotiations – a referendum and a customs union – showed the final straw for her cabinet and Tory backbenchers.

Is corn's successor doomed to suffer the same fate, or can they learn from her mistakes? Omene is not good. For many Brexiteers the answer is simple: May was a residual in 2016, and so all Tories must do is now "one of us". Nick Timothy, her closest help film, until he finished after the election disaster, urged this view this week and said that the EU "surrendered her in the negotiations … The rest of the cabinet pressed her into a softer Brexit … deep down, she sees leaving the EU as a little more than a damage limitation exercise ".

This is unfair. Her successor will be met by the same parliamentary arithmetic and probably the same brick wall in Brussels when it comes to the withdrawal agreement – the Irish backstop.

However, there may be a small window with the possibility of the coming prime minister both at home and abroad. In Brussels, officials assume the worst – Boris Johnson. Institutional memory today tells the European Commission that he turned British public opinion against the EU project as a Brussels correspondent for The Daily Telegraph. Officials also claim that he has misled the voters in the referendum. And yet Johnson might find a warmer than expected welcome in Brussels if he got EU relations to a constructive start. An EU diplomat told me: "It is not impossible that Boris would renegotiate the political statement [on the future UK-EU relationship] in a way that May could not." After all, the EU is desperate to settle Brexit.

The problem could be that this window can be closed with promises to take a tough line against the EU by rival candidates in Tory Leadership Competition, which officially begins the week of June 10, but in reality starts today. The leading candidates are likely to embrace Ma's original mantra that "no deal is better than a bad deal". There will be a requirement to prevent a hard Irish border through technological solutions that do not yet exist or at least give the UK a one-sided exit mechanism from the backstop. "There will be many unicorns on display," a loyalist minister moaned.

May successor should avoid repeating his naive error by trying to play an EU leader against another. The EU will maintain its united front and will not leave Ireland.

Had to spend his remaining time to renew the call for "compromise" and "consensus" in her emotional termination notice. Allied suspicion that she will try to steer her successor away from the road to a no-deal exit on October 31st. But it seems to be tempting for many Tories, and her influence will be limited. In spite of a desire to give her the opportunity to depart with such great dignity as she can muster under the circumstances, the party will continue rapidly.

MPs who have not blocked any agreement earlier this year, confess privately, it will be harder to do so under a prime minister who adopted it as a policy issue. To stop it, they may have to collapse the new government and force a choice. Maize departure will not ensure the stability and security the country needs as the unresolved Europe issue favors its successor.

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