The question the UK Prime Minister is facing is: What does she do to win it back?
Her actions over the coming days will decide whether she succeeds in taking control back and shaping the future of the United Kingdom.
On Wednesday, May see Parliament's vote on a number of options, as it tries to make a plan B for Brexit after deciding to reject the Prime Minister's own agreement on two occasions.
There will probably be votes on softer versions of corn agreement, including whether Britain should remain in a customs union with the EU and whether Britain should hold a new referendum to decide whether it will go at all.
Both of these opportunities are hated by Eurosceptic Brexites in the Corn Conservative Party, whose opposition to her plan ultimately lowered it before even reaching Parliament.
May's future now depends on her former enemies. As they face the possibility that Parliament supports a softer Brexit than proposed in May, arch-Brexiteers in the European Research Group may decide that this is the moment they have to return to May's agreement as the best of one bad bunch.
Deal not dead
While May was severely weakened this week, she retains some power over the process ahead.
She is the one who has the power to return to Brussels for further speeches with EU leaders, and she is the one who can decide whether the indicative votes on Wednesday evening are just that indicative rather than binding.
On Monday, the government issued a statement condemning Parliament's approval of guiding voices and warning that it would set a "dangerously unpredictable precedent for the future".
But it would be political and moral damage to her reputation if she completely ignored Parliament's will at this late stage in the Brexit process, largely dismissing legislators' views so far.
Nor is Mays own agreement necessarily convicted. the prime minister could, in theory, get EU leaders to back up a new consensus softening Brexit agreement put forward by the Commons and use it as a leverage to win more Brexiteer votes and the Northern Irish Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) whose support May Government is dependent on its original plan ̵
But this strategy is high risk. On Monday, some Brexiteer insisted Tory lawmakers that they would never vote for May's agreement, regardless of the offer on the table. Others, like ERG President Jacob Rees-Mogg and former Foreign Secretary Boris Johnson, seem to be on the verge of supporting maize plan. The Prime Minister is close to victory, despite the humiliating defeat last night.
This victory can be a pyrrhic. There are leading Brexiteers who persist in stating that the prime minister, in exchange for their votes, should set a schedule for her departure, perhaps after the new Brexit day on May 22 (agreed with Brussels last week giving May & # 39; s deal passes).
On Sunday, May refused to entertain this scenario, but it may be after events this week, she has little choice.
Running out of time
While it seems to be on the brink of collapse, the success of May's deal has become a viable option again.
But other stronger results remain strong opportunities. Although British lawmakers have voted against a non-resignation, and the EU has resisted its own catastrophic scenario, there is still a confirmatory vote in Parliament this week to approve the extension of the Brexit date and avoid the United Kingdom crashes without any arrangements in place.
Another referendum can still be on the cards, as the renewed momentum of the campaign for hundreds of thousands of people took part in a march demanding a new vote in London this weekend.
There is also a chance, small but not insignificant, that a people's election is called as a way to destroy the ongoing stalemate in parliament.
Whatever scenario is going to happen, May is increasingly likely, after losing confidence from so many legislators and dismissed control of Brexit to Parliament after several catastrophic months, may be May as Prime Minister .