Within the White House, the President oversees notifications associations, sets himself up for television talks with voters, and carefully listens to comments on the democratic presidential battle. His opinions fluctuate on who he wants, or wants to run against. But a feeling is unkind – he has no plans to sit idly off and see.
The President intends to play an active role in the democratic primary and has instructed his helpers to look for ways he can, according to more than a dozen Republicans involved in his campaign. His team works to divide divisions among rivals and looks for opportunities to "create chaos from the left and right," with the advice of a counselor.
"The president wants to enter the game," said a top Republican speaker often to Trump and speaks on condition of anonymity to share a private conversation. "People can beat him to run the government, but he gets the campaign and can't wait to get started."
Trump has held regular meetings with a small circle of advisers in the White House, led by his 2020 campaign leader Brad Parscale, who often maps his boss, sources say. On Tuesday, the meeting was a little bigger as Parscale teamed up with Trump, Vice President Mike Pence and more than a dozen helpers to cross the expected structure of their campaign.
But a power struggle between the president's re-election campaign and those who helped him win the White House has already come.
Corey Lewandowski and David Bossie, two key figures in the Presidential 2016 campaign, was not invited to the Tuesday meeting in a growing rivalry between Lewandowski and Parscale, according to people who are familiar with the case. While Lewandowski and Bossie have the president's ear and were seen on White House for the week before, they do not have a formal seat at the table.
Despite an early drama, helpers say they hope that the re-election efforts will be a coherent business between the campaign, White House officials and the president's external advisors. They think it will require a massive and more coordinated strategy than the first time when Trump was considered an unlikely winner.
In 2016, they won The White House alone without support or backup of the party device. But now, Trump is dependent on the party's establishment, which aides says has created an opening for tensions among loyalists who helped him win the White House and those who surround him now.
Several former white maids, including Bill Stepien and Justin Clark, have resigned the West Wing for the campaign, which comes to life only three miles from the White House. The desks occupy slowly inside the Arlington Tower, where glass offices offer splendid views of the Potomac River, Jefferson Memorial and Trump Malign's capital.
Jared Kushner, the president's son-in-law and senior advisor, will also play a prominent role in the campaign he did in 2016, but he will do so from the West Wing, aides say. He often speaks to Parscale, who has secured his spot in the inner circle of the Trump family.
With a wide open democratic competition, where the final winner of the nomination is literally a guest game, the president and his counselors try to make the race more than a referendum on him. Instead, they try to make it a choice between him and what they are trying to define as a democratic alternative.
Trump telegraphed that under his EU address address where he first made his plan to label the entire democratic field as socialists. It is far from a new argument, but many Democrats recognize that it could still be a potent force that has led more candidates to suddenly vote for their support for capitalism.
When the beds Bernie Sanders of Vermont jumped into the race this week President and his advisers shone and say they fit in perfectly with how they try to hit the race as a strong choice between Trump and socialism.
"It's a radical left – a radical left," Trump said last week in the Oval Office.
But the president looks far more than Sanders and Sen. Elizabeth Warren from Massachusetts, whom he has repeatedly relieved as "Pocahontas."
In recent days, Trump has also provided political intelligence assistants to former Deputy President Joe Biden and his family. And he has wondered loudly about Sen. Sherrod Brown of Ohio could complicate Trump's chances in one of his favorite swing states if Brown decides to jump into the democratic race with a promise to compete hard in Trump land.
While Trump has spoken admirably about the crowds in Sen. Kamala Harris in California, he also talked to confidantes about being impressed by Sen. Amy Klobuchar, whom he has met several times and has spoken openly about his ability to connect with voters. He took a dig at her snowy notice, which was a sign he took his candidacy seriously because of her record to win 42 counties in the fall in Minnesota, which Trump had carried two years earlier.
At the Republican National Committee and in the offices of the Trump Re-election, adjuncts often follow the president's leadership. If he tweets about a democratic candidate or mentions a potential rival in conversation, they will reinforce it. And they are waiting for Trump to call the candidates he is already working on, like the derogatory branding he did for his own Republican rivals in 2016.
While Trump and his advisers believe they will escape a serious primary challenge, A team of helpers is already working on shore up Republican delegates to the party's convention and making sure local officials are on board.
"It's county-by-county," an assistant involved in the campaign said, "seeking people who didn't come up in the middle."
The president is optimistic about his chances, more advisers say, mainly because of the data Parscale and others have shown him and what he sees as a leftist democratic field. 19659002] While his national degrees of approval are approaching record lows for a president, Trump goes into other measurements. Aides says he focuses on two types of counties: wave and shift, which he believes have the key to his re-election. Surge Counties are those where his support rose from the 2012 baseline of Mitt Romney, while switching counties are those who turned from Barack Obama to Trump in four years.
But above all, the president is increasingly fixed on the democratic primary. 19659002] It has become a common topic on its phone calls with friends and Republican members of Congress. And it is now a staple for his daily television diet in White House's residence, a building he is struggling to stay for another period as president.